And hey, it doesn’t
matter what you say
’Cause you are invisible
to the world
On November 6,
2014, in DeBoer v. Snyder,
a 2-1 majority of Sixth Circuit judges reversed rulings federal trial courts in
Michigan, Kentucky, Ohio, and Tennessee had issued in favor of marriage
equality. Unless the parties decide to
seek and are granted en banc review
of that decision by all the judges of the Circuit, which early news reports
indicate is not the case, the Supreme Court will quite likely grant review in DeBoer.
(There are other avenues to Supreme Court review, helpfully mapped out
here by Lyle Denniston on SCOTUSblog.)
For the case
presents a “circuit split,” a conflict among rulings on the constitutionality
of state laws excluding same-sex couples from marriage. Although the Court denied review in the cases
from the Fourth, Seventh, and Ninth Circuits, clearing the way for same-sex
couples in those states to marry, there was at the time no federal Court of
Appeals that had ruled the other way, at least since the Court’s own 2013 decision
in U.S. v. Windsor invalidating a key
section of the federal government’s so-called Defense of Marriage Act. Now, with the Sixth Circuit’s anti-equality
decision, the constitutional questions around marriage bans are well teed up
for the Court to review.
If, however, the Court was not quite ready to take the issue
up on the merits this term, there is a temporizing move it could make. If it wanted to let more lower courts rule,
and likely marriage equality to come to more states, before it finally settles
the constitutional questions involved, the Court could reverse and remand the
case to the Sixth Circuit for a do-over.
Judge Jeffrey Sutton’s
majority opinion in DeBoer relies at
the outset on the Supreme Court’s 1972 summary affirmance (a one-sentence
order, with no explanatory opinion) upholding Minnesota’s laws barring same-sex
couples from marrying in Baker v. Nelson.
(I posted an article addressing this case on CruzLines
here.)
Sutton appears to rule that Baker is
still binding on lower courts, despite many subsequent doctrinal developments
including the Supreme Court’s pro-equality decision in Windsor. If he were right
that Baker disposes of the
plaintiffs’ constitutional claims, leaving lower federal courts no option to
rule in their favor, there would be no need for Sutton to address arguments
about the definition of the constitutional right to marry or the kind of review
courts should use for laws that discriminate against lesbigay people. Indeed, the 25 additional pages the majority
opinion wrote would all be dictum, legally unnecessary and not binding, and
arguably improper for Sutton even to have included!
So, a Supreme
Court majority that wanted a little more time could grant review in DeBoer and simply hold that Baker v. Nelson is no longer the law of
the land, that the constitutionality or unconstitutionality of marriage bans is
now a substantial question, without actually proceeding to answer that ultimate
question. The Court could then reverse
Sutton’s decision holding to the contrary, treat the dicta as dicta, and remand
the case for reconsideration by the Sixth Circuit in light of the Supreme
Court’s declaration that Baker does
not block lower courts from reaching the constitutional merits of state
marriage bans. This would send a
powerful signal to the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals that it should take
seriously the plaintiffs’ constitutional arguments, something the majority
opinion in DeBoer does not really do.
Of course, this would extend further the time during which same-sex
couples in marriage inequality states would continue to be treated as
second-class citizens and suffer the vulnerability to which they and their
families are exposed by reason of those states’ refusal to allow or recognize
marriages of same-sex couples. There are
accordingly serious reasons for the Court to take up the marriage equality
issue sooner rather than later, if it is going to rule in favor of equal access
to marriage. But those serious issues
were there when the Supreme Court was considering the marriage equality cases
from the Fourth, Seventh, and Ninth Circuits, yet the Court ducked them
then. Whether the addition of conflict
among the Courts of Appeals is enough to spur the Justices to action now
remains to be seen.
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